Why India Is Silent on the Ukraine Crisis

On February 28, the Ukrainian ambassador in Delhi met with a senior Indian foreign ministry official, reportedly to request support for the new government in Kyiv and for India to take a stand against Russian actions in Crimea. The Indian government did not publicly comment then or for the next few days. On March 3, India
issued a travel advisory, asking Indians in Ukraine to register with the Indian mission there. Subsequently, the foreign ministry spokesperson tweeted that India was “closely watching [the] fast evolving situation and hope[d] for a peaceful resolution.” The foreign minister, on his part, noted that “the government is yet to formulate a position on the issue.” 

 
It was not till March 6 that the Indian government elaborated a position. At the end of a media briefing, Shivshankar Menon, the Indian national security advisor, responded to a question, stating:

“As far as we are concerned, we are watching what is happening in the Ukraine with some concern. We would hope that whatever internal issues there are within Ukraine are settled peacefully and that the broader issues of reconciling the various interests involved, and there are after all legitimate Russian and other interests involved, are discussed, negotiated, and that there is a satisfactory resolution to them. But more than that at this stage when everything is still fluid, I do not think we can tell you.”

A Ukrainian embassy spokesperson in Delhi responded strongly, noting “We are not sure how Russia can be seen having legitimate interests in the territory of another country.” He did add, “If there are any legitimate interests, those can be discussed diplomatically, not by sending in troops.”

Indeed, a number of foreign and Indian observers highlighted the phrase “legitimate interests.” Menon wasn’t alone in his view of Russian interests in the situation, but many interpreted his comments in particular as Indian support for Russia’s intervention in Crimea. Less commented upon was his reference to “internal” issues of Ukraine, his emphasis on a peaceful settlement, or his observation of the involvement of not just Russian but various others’ interests. What was also hardly noticed was that in the official Indian statement issued later that day, there was no mention of “legitimate interests.” That statement expressed concern about the escalation of tension, especially given that India has 5,000 citizens in Ukraine (most of whom are students), adding:

“India welcomes recent efforts at reducing the tension and hopes that a solution to Ukraine’s internal differences is found in a manner that meets the aspirations of all sections of Ukraine’s population. It would be important, in this context, for a legitimate democratic process to find full expression through free and fair elections that provide for an inclusive society. India calls for sincere and sustained diplomatic efforts to ensure that issues between Ukraine and its neighbouring countries are resolved through constructive dialogue.” (emphasis added)

Not Surprising

There have been questions about India’s statements and its overall reticence, particularly in neglecting to mention explicitly respect for territorial integrity. Its reaction, however, has been quite predictable. This is a situation that involves India’s partners and principles, and the establishment of another precedent for a policy approach (military intervention) that India has stated it does not support.

Delhi did not approve of the actions of its American and European partners vis-à-vis Ukraine prior to and during the protests in Kyiv and elsewhere. This reflects its general opposition to external actors getting involved in the domestic political affairs of any country. There has also been general discomfort about, if not disapproval or dislike of, what’s perceived as U.S. support for democracies and democratization only to the extent that voters elect governments that Washington likes or prefers. Despite this disapproval, there was no public comment, given India’s close relations with the U.S. and some of the other European countries involved.

As for the reaction to Russia’s actions on February 27-28, those created an awkward situation for India as well. India’s relationship with Russia, as many have pointed out, is long-standing and stems from different imperatives. Russia remains the largest source of military equipment for India and a key diplomatic partner. Moscow’s willingness at times to use its veto in the U.N. Security Council for Indian interests adds to the value of the relationship. Accurately or inaccurately, many also consider Russia to have stood by India in the past when few others had. Given this relationship and the above-mentioned disapproval of the U.S. and EU approach, there’s little desire in Delhi to come out swinging against Moscow. On the other hand, while India is disapproving of external political intervention, it is even more disapproving of military intervention. While some observers argue that Russia’s action does not have implications for India because of India’s size and its nuclear deterrent, it is not lost on the government that it has two neighbors (at least one larger than it) with whom it has territorial disputes and who claim historical, ethnic or religious linkages with groups in India.

Not Unusual.

Enjoyed this article? Stay informed by joining our newsletter!

Comments

You must be logged in to post a comment.

About Author