The one-person household (OPH) is the fastest growing type of household in many regions of the world, due to changes in the past few decades in institutional arrangements, demographic behaviors, and labor migration. Not only widowed people but also many young and middle-aged adults who are divorced or have never been married live alone these days. There are also an increasing number of married couples living apart, who constitute a growing share of those who live alone. According to the latest statistics, in many economically advanced countries such as Norway, Finland, Denmark, Switzerland, and Germany more than one-third of households contained only one person at the end of the last decade (OECD 2013). While the prevalence of OPH in Asia is generally lower than in Europe and North America, it is estimated that, by 2020, 4 out of the top 10 countries with the highest number of one-person households will be in Asia, with China and India leading the trend (Euromonitor International 2012). Figure 1 provides an international comparison of the prevalence of one-person households around 2010. As shown, the more economically developed societies in East Asia such as Japan, South Korea (thereafter Korea), and Taiwan have the highest proportion of one-person households in Asia, at 32.4%, 23.9%, and 22% respectively. These represent a dramatic growth from the corresponding rates in 1980 − 19.8%, 4.8%, and 11.8% respectively. Beneath these statistics lie the institutional and behavioral adaptations of families around the world to the dramatic changes in demographic, socioeconomic, and cultural landscapes of the last few decades. This increase in OPH has raised grave concerns among policymakers and scholars as it has significant implications for a society’s institutional set up and individuals’ well-being, such as the efficiency of a society’s resource utilization or welfare system, the functioning of the family system, and individuals’ physical health and psychological well-being.
We know little about those who live by themselves. Statistics show a high level of heterogeneity among groups who live alone, some of them by choice, others out of need. While the widowed remain a large proportion of those who live alone, research shows that an increasing number of young and middle-aged people who are divorced or never-married live alone too (Klinenberg 2012; Jamieson and Simpson 2013). In addition, due to increased geographic mobility or a choice of urban life styles, there are more family members who are living apart (Levin 2004). However, official figures often do not allow distinguishing the different types of OPH by demographic or socioeconomic characteristics. It is likely that some of the OPH population is at a higher risk of financial stress or social isolation, as commonly portrayed in the public media. However, a recent study by Klinenberg (2012) paints a more positive picture of living alone, characterizing it mainly as an urban middle-class life style. With data from the UK, Jamieson and Simpson (2013) also question the negative stereotypes of living alone commonly held in public discourse. Little demographic research has examined this demographic trend and its determinants and impact on the population. In particular, studies on solo living of young adults are rare in Asian contexts.
You must be logged in to post a comment.